PODIUM. Journal of Science and Technology in Physical Culture, January-April; 2022, 17(1): 406-423

 

Translated from the original in spanish

 

Review article

 

The dance Tejida de cintas of the Kichua Panzaleo people. Origin and symbolism

 

El baile Tejida de cintas del pueblo Kichua Panzaleo. Origen y simbología

 

A dança das fitas tecidas do povo Kichua Panzaleo. Origem e simbolismo

 

Edison Tarpuk Analuiza A.1* https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5277-3943

Cristina Cáceres Sánchez2 https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9562-8594

Nataly Ambato Campos1 https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7831-3574

Cristian German Campos1 https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5592-601X

 

1Faculty of Physical Culture, Universidad Central del Ecuador. Ecuador.

2Réplica Juan Pío Montufar School. Ecuador.

 

*Corresponding Author: efanaluiza@uce.edu.ec

 

Received:06/10/2021.
Approved:13/01/2022.

ABSTRACT

The origins of the dances for the people have a high value, both for the good that this physical activity produces and for the cultural significance it provides. La tejida de cintas can be considered as an ancestral dance or a dance product of miscegenation and equally considered as a legacy that animates both the Physical Culture and the cultural traditions of its practitioners. It is possibly originally from the Panzaleo people or from other towns in the Ecuadorian highlands. Based on an ethnographic study and the use of oral, photographic and video sources, its origin, symbolism, changes and persistence of this tradition were analyzed. In this sense, the objective of the research is: to promote the link between this manifestation and physical activity, its origin, symbolism and the validity of this tradition in the parish of Pastocalle. The study is ethnographic, using the technique of scientific observation with an anecdotal record and the interview with a guide of semistructured questions and the portfolio of photos and videos. The interviewees are not able to specify the exact time of validity of La tejida de cintas, nor if this dance is native to the parish, since it is also performed in other nearby towns. It is concluded that the original costume described is typical of the Pastocalle parish, that La tejida de cintas originated in the Kichua Panzaleo people and that it is currently in the process of consolidating itself as a symbolic parochial reference.

Keywords: National dance; origin; symbology; Tejida de Cintas; Panzaleo people.

RESUMEN

Los orígenes de los bailes para los pueblos tienen un alto valor, tanto por el bien que produce esta actividad física como por el significado cultural que provee. La tejida de cintas puede ser considerada como una danza ancestral o un baile producto del mestizaje e igualmente considerada como un legado que anima tanto a la Cultura Física, como a las tradiciones culturales de sus practicantes. Posiblemente es originario del pueblo Panzaleo o de otros pueblos de la sierra ecuatoriana. Sobre la base de un estudio etnográfico y la utilización de fuentes orales, fotográficas y videos, se analizaron su origen, la simbología, los cambios y persistencias de esta tradición. En tal sentido, el objetivo de la investigación es: promover el vínculo que guarda esta manifestación con la actividad física, su origen, la simbología y la vigencia de esta tradición en la parroquia de Pastocalle. El estudio es etnográfico, utilizando la técnica de la observación científica con un registro anecdótico y la entrevista con una guía de preguntas semiestructurada y el portafolio de fotos y videos. Los entrevistados no pueden precisar con exactitud la época de vigencia de la tejida de cintas, ni tampoco si este baile es originario de la parroquia, ya que también se realiza en otros pueblos cercanos. Se concluye que el vestuario original descrito es propio de la parroquia Pastocalle, que la tejida de cintas es originario del pueblo kichua Panzaleo y que actualmente está en proceso de consolidarse como referente simbólico parroquial.

Palabras clave: Danza nacional; Origen; Simbología; Tejida de cintas; Pueblo Panzaleo.

RESUMO

As origens das danças para o povo são de grande apreço, tanto pelo bem que esta prática física produz como pelo sentido cultural que ela traz. A tecelagem de fitas pode ser considerada uma dança ancestral ou um produto da dança mestiça e igualmente um legado que anima tanto a cultura física como as tradições culturais dos seus praticantes. Pode eventualmente, vir do povo Panzaleo ou de outros povos das terras altas equatorianas.  Com base num estudo etnográfico e na utilização de fontes orais, fotográficas e de vídeo, foi examinada a origem, o simbolismo, as mudanças e a persistência desta tradição. Neste sentido, o objetivo da investigação é: promover a ligação entre este evento e a atividade física, a sua origem, simbolismo e a validade desta tradição na sua Paróquia de Pastocalle. O estudo é etnográfico, utilizando a técnica da observação científica com um registo anedótico e a entrevista com um guia semiestruturado de perguntas e o portfólio de fotografias e vídeos. Os inquiridos não podem dizer exatamente quando se realizou a tecelagem das fitas, nem se esta dança teve origem na Freguesia, como também é realizada em outras aldeias próximas. Conclui-se que o traje original descrito é típico da Paróquia de Pastocalle, que a tecelagem de fitas teve origem no povo Kichua Panzaleo e que está atualmente em processo de consolidação como uma referência simbólica da Paróquia.

Palavras-chave: Dança nacional; Origem; Simbologia; Tecelagem de fitas; Povo Panzaleo.

INTRODUCTION

Dance in general, which includes autochthonous dances, is cultural expression of the peoples that serve as cultural creative elements that require a specialized treatment of corporal expression, (García, 2008) and, therefore, a direct link with the sciences of physical activity, (Moreno, 2017; Macias, 2016), given the inherent movement involved in the execution of the dances. The use of autochthonous dances, as part of the contents of specialized physical culture, with emphasis on physical recreation, not only lays the foundation for the defense of cultural identity, Ramirez, 2015, but is often a complementary component to achieve higher rates of quality of life and motivation for community participation (Obregón, 2019).

At the beginning of the research, the collective of authors focused on the task of exploring studies on the potential of dance to develop different physical capacities (Villalobos, 2018; Salazar, Calero, 2018; Cayón, et al., 2020). But by advancing in the study of Ecuadorian native dances, the team realized that by better knowing the history of the meaning of autochthonous dances, this could provoke more motivation towards their practice and, therefore, greater physical activity and better results for health, for the optimal functioning of the body and a stable psychological and spiritual condition (Acosta, 2018; Valverde, 2018; Calderón, 2010a).

To talk about the origin of this dance (baile Tejidas de cintas), it would have to go back thousands of years ago, to the original nations that inhabited the territories of what is now Ecuador and, specifically, the settlements of the current provinces of Cotopaxi, Tungurahua and Chimborazo. The Panzaleo and Puruhá people settled there, whose voices have no translation in Kichua or Spanish. In these original and ancestral peoples, the dances were related to the agrarian and astronomical calendar, that is, they coincided with the equinoxes and solstices and were performed to thank their tutelary apus (gods) and to worship the Pachamama and the Tayta Inti for the good harvests.

The most important dates were: the summer solstice on June 21 called Inti Raymi or Festival of the Sun and the winter equinox on March 21 called Pawkar Raymi or Party of Blossoming. This event was also known as mushuknina or new fire, for being the beginning of the Andean year. The ancestral dances generally were and are circular and almost always around something, a tree trunk, an apachita or altar with the sacred fire in the center.

It is thought that in ancient times, on these two dates or times, the symbolic mooring of the sun was performed, they planted a thick and tall stick like a sun (Inti) at the top and tied 12 ribbons (for the 12 months of the year) of all colors (symbolizing the rainbow), after weaving and unweaving the ends of the ribbons, they buried them with offerings to the pachamamita (mom earth) at 12 noon, to the rhythm of ritual chants and accompanied by the sounds of the pingullo and the caja (Calderón, 2010 b).

This dance would have an indigenous or supposedly indigenous-mestizo origin. (Sanz, 2012) mentions that,

"This dance would have its origin in Spain and says: The origin of this dance is Spanish, which is performed in the islands of Tenerife, with the name dance of the ribbons and its variant of the ancient dances of the sticks or bows. The dance of ribbons is danced by fourteen individuals: twelve dancers, a drummer and a pole driver, who is the tallest and is dressed like the dancers. (p, 319)"

In the literature consulted, it has been possible to verify that, prior to this research, dance therapy has been performed in social fabrics (De Armas, 2020). It has also been reviewed works where dance has been used as a sport-cultural manifestation in populations closely linked to religious beliefs (Pinera, Hipo, 2021). However, very few of these dances have been related to the development of parishes that have managed to harmonize the elements of physical activity with the sociocultural component. That is why this work tries to highlight these very peculiar aspects in the research.

Arriaga's appreciation is close to mere observations of the dance of the ribbons in the parish of Pastocalle, coincidences as to the number of dancers or weavers, the musician and the person holding the pole and the description of dressing or undressing the pole, in our words, weaving and unweaving the pavilion (Anath A, 2002).

Coba (1994), with respect to the dance of the ribbons, states that it is a dance of both indigenous and mestizos. There is a pole in the center of the plaza with ribbons of various colors and the dancers weave the tree and unweave it to the sound of music. The music of preference is a sanjuanito.

It is evident that the practice of this dance activates the cardiovascular and respiratory system and, of course, favors the physiological structure of the human being. In order to perform the dance, it is essential that the dancers have an adequate physical preparation, since the execution of movements associated with flexibility and in many cases strength, require physical training that must be in line with the artistic. Some research has been taken as a reference, which endorses this approach to dance in this indigenous population as a way to promote health, quality of life and physical efficiency (Gavilán and Toca, 2018; Quesada, 2010; Trejos, 2017).

At present, this dance does not have defined music; in the research, it was determined that community groups, comparsas and projection groups work this dance with various rhythms. They do not have a specific rhythm; in the parish, the rhythm for weaving the ribbons is not defined, the oldest groups Sanjuanito San Pedrito weave with the rhythms: Sanjuanito, yumbo and tonada, interpreted by the village band, they call it happy music, but most groups mark with the rhythm of Sanjuanito, interpreted by the village band, consequently it coincides with Coba, which is the preferred music for the weaving of the ribbons, it is a Sanjuanito, therefore Sanjuanito is called to songs that originated in the music of the indigenous June harvests and that changed their name to accommodate the Catholic saint's day, especially the party of San Juan Bautista. It usually has a single musical phrase that is repeated several times, alternating singing and instruments. Others, with a more marked mestizo influence, incorporate a refrain and follow the tripartite A-B-A formula. They are part of the music of oral tradition, which is not written in a score, but which many know by heart and teach it at local festivals and dances (Pereira, 2009).

For Analuiza (2020), the Sanjuanito is the son of the San Juan, Inti Raymi or Zapateado, an ancestral rhythm that was interpreted to celebrate the Inti Raymi or Festival of the Sun. Due to the mestization and commercialization, the Sanjuanito has been lightened and assimilated to reach the Sanjuanito and even a Sanjuanito-tecno, interpreted especially with electroacoustic instruments. The most outstanding characteristics of the Sanjuanito are its 2/4 binary meter, they are instrumental and if they have lyrics they are in Kichua, in Tabacundo and Cayambe, the copla stands out, it is a community rhythm, Sanjuanitos of Imbabura, Pichincha, Cotopaxi, Chimborazo can be differentiated, each one with its peculiarities. Currently, this dance is performed in different parts of Ecuador, especially in the highland provinces, it is a meaningful and agile traditional dance, dancing and shouting, as an announcement of a fairer and more joyful world. Life to live and to celebrate, as a symbol of union between peoples (Pereira, 2009).

Observations and interviews were conducted with members of the parish in three different presentations. It became evident that the groups are made up of men and women. In three groups, half of its members are children and young people, that is, they are transmitting to the new generations, in addition, there is a children's dance group of the Parish School, but the most relevant achievement is the inclusion of women in the oldest group, which was only formed by men, since according to Nelson Iza, its leader, it is more demonstrative.

The costumes of women or men disguised as women are composed of several pieces: mesh mask, cloth hat with ribbons, tongo, wool blouse and jacket, shawl or fachalina, nagua, findo, handkerchief, wool ribbon and sole shoes (Neto, 1965).

The male costume consists of: mesh mask, cloth hat with ribbons, tongo, shirt or sweaters, poncho, cashmere pants, zamarro pants, handkerchief, wool ribbon and sole shoes.

The objective of this work is to promote the link between this manifestation and physical activity, its origin, symbolism and the validity of this tradition in the parish of Pastocalle, in such a way that this study serves to encourage the autochthonous dance as a variant for the development of socio-cultural and sporting elements.

This article is part of the research project Fiestas del pueblo Panzaleo, a qualitative study with an ethnographic, descriptive and interpretative approach that allowed to know the analysis and the point of view of the protagonists and original weavers of the ribbons.

The research was conducted in the province of Cotopaxi, canton Latacunga, parish of Pastocalle and neighborhood San Pedro de Tenería. The sampling was intentional and non-probabilistic, since the members of the four groups of ribbon weavers were invited to participate voluntarily: Sanjuanito San Pedrito group; Sanjuanito Sara Ashpa group; Sanjuanito San Bartolomé de Romerillo group; and Sanjuanito Niño de Isinche group.

For the collection of information, observation and interview techniques were used. The instruments selected were: anecdotal records, a semi-structured questionnaire and a portfolio of photos and videos. The semi-structured question guide was applied to the members of the Sanjuanito San Pedrito group, the coordinator and one or two members of the groups: Sara Ashpa, San Bartolomé de Romerillos and Niño de Isinche. Direct observation was systematized in an anecdotal record and a photographic and video record, the experiences and coexistence in the festivities of the months of June 2017, 2018 and 2019, in addition, visit to the rehearsals of the main group, visit to the homes of the group coordinators to hear their testimonies; the main interview was conducted on September 02, 2018 in Pastocalle and on October 02, 2018 in the city of Quito, with the following script (Table 1).

Table 1. - Semi-structured question guide 2018

 

DEVELOPMENT

From the interviews with the members of the group of Tejida de Cintas, San Juanito San Pedrito, it can be deduced that this dance is ancient, although they do not specify dates, they mention that 4 generations have passed and the people who taught are already deceased, Eugenio Salgado and Gaspar Iza Germán who were leaders in this type of dance; Segundo Germán, Juan Germán, Galo Germán, Alfredo Moreno and that in the last 100 years they have performed in honor of the patron saint festivities of the San Juan Bautista de Pastocalle Parish, which is celebrated every June 24.

Tayta Emilio Yánez (70 years old), one of the oldest members of the group, says that in the past, the average age to be part of the group was 40 years old or older, so they have more experience. It is mentioned that in the past only men danced, there were 12 dancers, 6 men dressed or transformed into women, one man dressed as a chamisona or mama, and two men held the pavilion. It was danced with village bands.

Wearing the Panzaleo costume represents a subtlety of their ethnic and cultural identity. However, the onslaught of modernity has shaped new forms of dress or, in turn, adapting Western thought to the indigenous. Some may wear only part of their clothing or all of it. This manifestation depends mainly on the individual in front of his own identity (Romero-Arcaya, 2019).

From another perspective, modernity has been shaping the traditions and forms of dress of those ancestral cultures, one of these configurations is the entry "of the indigenous people in the city that involves modifications in the representation of difference and the marks of ethnicity, as an updating or modernization of a non-Western cultural variant" (Romero-Arcaya, 2019).

In this regard, Julian Tucumbi, indigenous artisan and author of the text "Traditions of the Commune", explains that the traditional clothing is made up, in the case of women, by: white bullfighter hat, adorned with ribbon; embroidered shirt of various colors and orofel embroidery; sash woven with sheep wool; embroidered anaco; espadrilles; accessories: old silver earrings, mullos pearls, langanera handkerchief, washcare and leather bag José bonito (represents good luck placed inside the anaco). The men's costumes are composed of: white bullfighter hat adorned with black ribbon, white scarf, red poncho with manila, sarasa ceñidor shirt, white pants, ushota (Romero-Arcaya, 2019).

The symbolic in the textile is found in the types of twisting of the threads and weaving techniques that materialize some of the multiple "[...] reflects the fundamental structures of the Andean societies that elaborate it by its form, motifs, colors and techniques and by the ethnic identity that the fabric attributes to the individual who wears it."(Anath, 2002). In this regard, Michel (2003), regarding weavings, states that "In them, colors, signs, symbols and icons are inserted in the form of writing, from which we can extract the collective memory and, therefore, history". In another paragraph he states that:

"With the technological management of textiles, colors and icons, it is possible to distinguish differentiated identities at such specific levels that it is possible to recognize the community origin, the ayllu, the partiality (umayorko) to which they belong and finally the brand. Therefore, the costume of the Pastocalle ribbon weavers has colors (variety as the colors of the rainbow, one can highlight red, green, yellow, blue, white, purple, lilac) and symbols (one can highlight the anacu, cushma, mask, head, whip) that clearly make it unique and identify it with the ayllu or Panzaleo people, belonging to the brand or region of Cotopaxi. (p, 54)"

The colors in the traditional indigenous clothing have a meaning, according to the textile artisan Tucumbi, pink for women represents luck and life; white, fog; the embroidery of flowers, good luck; red: courage, heart and the ornaments of birds or mirrors in the clothing, the memory of their ancestors. (Tucumbi, 1982) For Tucumbi (1982), the clothing represents their cultural identity, since each element and accessory of the ancestral clothing is loaded with meanings and remembrances of the indigenous past. It becomes the living space that transmits the values of the Panzaleo indigenous culture.

Current costumes for the Tejida de cintas

Possibly, the costumes of the ancient weavers were like those reported by tayta Tucumbi (1982), but, at present, the appropriate costume or model for this dance should be from the group of San Pedro de Tenería and this costume should be the symbol of the Pastocalle ribbon weavers and personified in the statue at the entrance to the parish.

(Warmi Churana) Women's costumes

The costume of the warmi or ribbon weaver woman at present would be composed of 8 elements; these are: ribbon hat, mesh mask, tungo, wool sack, petticoat, findo, shawl and handkerchief; for each of the elements or accessories, we will analyze the origin and symbolism, accompanied by a reference photograph.

Origin: the hat as such is of Spanish origin, possibly replacing the llauto (headband), with feathers used by the original settlers to gird their long hair (Analuiza, et al, 2014. p. 25) state that In the Quichua villages, it is the element of differentiation, thus distinguishing one from another by its shape, color, design and ornaments; there are high, low, square, round, flat, short and long brim, most are made of sheep wool pressed with flour, giving it a hard consistency that besides protecting from the sun, sometimes serve as weapons to defend in the taking of the square in the festivities of the Inti Raymi. Because of its cost, and because there are no artisans to make them, the traditional hat is being lost and most of the towns have adapted the cloth hat.

Symbology: the hat is a garment of daily use in the community, it signifies the relationship of the dancers or weavers with the Jahua Pacha or sky. As a characteristic, the brim of the hat is folded upwards on the forehead, held and adorned with a round mirror and feathers that signify the connection with the birds and the sacred elements of the upper space or sky. Its color ranges from black, brown or bottle green, its contour is adorned with three satin ribbons of various colors (related to the three existential spaces jahua pacha, kay pacha and uku pacha); in the image, they are observed (red, white, light blue) which also divide half of the head into right and left and express the duality of Andean thought.

Origin: from Andean and Asian ancestral peoples.

Symbology: the mask is a vital element to transform and that the dancer, behind it, assumes the uninhibited character, without fear and suspicion of his people, it is ideal because formerly men assumed the transformation of women, therefore, if they were recognized, they would be mocked all their lives. The dancers always wear the mask on their faces, nowadays young people try to lift the mask so that their relatives can identify them.

The mask of the weavers is made of a fine wire or mesh, it has a pale flesh color, where the blue eyes, eyebrows and red lips stand out, which could mean colonization. The only thing that distinguishes the mask between the woman and the man is that, for the man, it has moustaches and sideburns, it is a fundamental accessory to transform from man to woman.

Origin: andean or Spanish

Symbology: it is a garment that covers the head; the use of this element is necessary to cover the head and part of the face; together with the mask, it allows the character to be completely covered so that no one recognizes him/her, and it also protects from the inclemency of the cold.

It is a rectangular blanket made of Chinese cloth or silk that symbolizes the position of authority. There are several figures embroidered on the edges of the veil with designs and symbols representative of the flora (flowers of different varieties, wild trees are interpreted) and fauna (in their figures, they design doves, deer, sheep, etc.) (Quispe, et al., 2014).

Origin: the wool bag or formerly the embroidered shirt is made of woven fabric and embroidered by hand; currently, the bag replaced the shirt and is made with sheep wool, or overlock, the bags used are of different colors.

Symbology: the embroidered shirt or almilla symbolizes dignity by being of various colors and the delicacy of the Andean woman in relation to daily work (Quispe, at al., 2014).

Origin: Andean of the ancestral peoples, with modern finishings.

Symbology: triangular fabric with bangs to adorn the woman's back and shoulders, it would be a modern version of the ancient fachalina. In this regard, Analuiza & Cáceres (2014) about the fachalina, they mention that "It is a colorful, short, thin and light rectangular-shaped cloth, with which women cover their backs. According to the place, the fachalina acquires different shapes, colors and ways of wearing, therefore, it also adopts different names." (p. 34)

In Spanish, it is called chale or shawl, which is a rectangular cloth of satin or bright fabrics of different colors (especially pastel shades) with a fine crochet weave of about five centimeters, ending in long bangs, embroidered with plants and wild flowers of the area (ashpa-chochocho, beans, corn, taxo, potatoes, cabuyo, chuquiragua, etc.); formerly, these embroideries were handmade.

Origin: Andean of the ancestral peoples. (Analuiza, et al., 2014) "Ancestral wisdom invites us to think that most knowledge was based on the relationship with nature, therefore, the anaco is in close relationship with the corn, its leaves called cutul cover layer upon layer to the corn grain inside, avoiding putrefaction." (p, 25)

Symbology: There is not a clear idea of why they call it findo; no one interviewed was able to substantiate its name, we believe that modernity has made the anacu or anaco of the Pastocalle ribbon weaver lose its essence, being reduced today only to a rectangular fabric with fretwork and colored bangs and two cords to tie to the side of the hip and worn over the petticoat, it is made of suede fabric or cloth in strong colors (red, electric blue, green, yellow, tomato, etc.). The function of the anaco in all the communities is to cover the woman's life matrix, that is to say, it is not a single fabric, it is made of several fabrics, differing from one community to another according to climate and economic power.

The term anaco comes from the Quichua anacu and is defined as "Brial or pollera of the Indians of Peru, Ecuador and Bolivia" (Mamani, 2014) "It is a skirt, usually made of cloth, open to one side where it exposes the petticoats or the refajo. It is worn by the Indians of Peru and Ecuador and is fastened at the waist by several turns of a sash" (Mamani, 2014 p. 25).

Origin: Its origin would be the old debajero, a garment that was knitted with crochet or laces in sheep wool.

Symbology: The nagua or petticoat is a kind of skirt of light fabric that has many laces, there are white and pastel shades; the symbolism of the white color would be for the purity or virginity of women, a garment that women wear under the findo or anacu, a garment that protects from the cold, complements and adorns the anaco. Garment woven in fine wool or thin thread by hand with croseth, with stripes of all colors horizontally that seeks to resemble the colors of the rainbow, its selvage ends in shells, used by all indigenous and mestizo women of the highlands under the center, skirt or skirt to protect themselves from the cold. When they attend parties, the edge of the debajero always stands out, giving a colorful touch to the skirts; with the inclusion of imported fabrics, the old debajeros disappear and in their place is the petticoat of thin fabric and lace, manufactured in series. (Analuiza, et al., 2014) It has a meaning of wealth, represented by the fortune of the working woman.

Handkerchief

Origin: Spanish origin.

Symbology: essential element to use in the hand as an ornament and at the moment of the hustle and bustle to decorate the steps and gestures with its movement.

(Kari Churana) Men's costume

The costume of the kari or man weaver of ribbons at the present time would be composed of 6 elements; these are: Ribbon hat, mesh mask, poncho, shirt, pants, handkerchief, of each of the elements we will analyze the origin and symbology accompanying, in addition, with a photograph of reference.

Ribbon hat

Origin: idem to the woman's hat.

Symbology: idem for the woman's hat.

Mesh mask

Origin: Idem to the woman's mask.

Symbology: Same as the woman's mask, but the difference is the brown mustache (Chaplin type) and the color of the eyes is a lighter shade of blue.

Poncho

Origin: its possible origin would be the cushma, a kind of small poncho that was used under the poncho, as now the T-shirts or shirts.

Symbology: small and light rectangular poncho, made of suede fabric and decorated with a fringe of contrasting color, the preferred colors for its manufacture are strong tones (yellow, red, blue, tomato, green, white, wine concho) and always contrasts with the color of the pants.

This garment has its origin in the chusma, but due to the cultural mixing, it adopted new designs, dimensions and materials for its manufacture. The chusma was made of sheep wool and worked in the backstrap loom and in the past the poncho was made in the same way. Nowadays, the poncho is worked in cotton, in computerized weaving machines and in series. But nevertheless, the poncho continues to identify many communities that differ from each other by their color, shape, size and design loaded with ancestral knowledge, most are red, blue, black and multicolored stripes, used to protect themselves from the intense cold of the mountains (Analuiza, et al., 2014).

Pants

Origin: purely serious, of Spanish origin.

Symbology: the shape of the pants is that of a heater with a cord to tie up and its length can cover up to the ankles, it is used over the daily pants, the most used fabrics are cashmere and polyester, they are made in different colors (red tomato, green, blue, blue, light blue, purple, yellow, red, etc.), decorated with trim or two colored strips on the outside of the legs, the end is finished with bangs (Quispe, et al., 2014).

Shirt

Origin: Spanish.

Symbology: garment to cover the male torso, formerly the traditional sleeveless cushma with straps to tie around the waist was used, currently the terno shirts with collar and cuffs are the most used.

Handkerchief

It is a square piece of different colors, used by men and women for personal hygiene purposes, such as wiping their hands, sweat or nose. In the dance, it is used to give elegance and coquetry and represents the decency of the person; to the grandparents, they could lack everything, except the handkerchief and the comb in the pocket.

Shoes

In ancient times, the use of shoes was a privilege and symbol of the free man and of power; slaves went barefoot. The shoe is also contrasted, in a certain sense, as a feminine symbol, to the foot interpreted as a phallic symbol, which motivates various ceremonies in harvest rites and marriages (Becker, 2003). Therefore, footwear has undergone surprising changes from leather soles, oshotas, espadrilles, to modern industrial footwear. In the groups observed, there is evidence of the use of a diversity of footwear from sports to formal, no group values uniformity and the shoes for presentation are those for daily use.

The pavilion or ribbon stick

Undoubtedly, it is the most important element, without it there would not be the weaving of the ribbons, it is called pavilion to the structure formed by the pole, the disk where the ribbons and the flag are tied, it is built by a long and strong pole of 6 m. and 5 cm. thick (Yánez), its wood especially is of eucalyptus, they paint it with the colors of the flag of Pastocalle (yellow and green) or the colors of the neighborhood as in the photo highlights the yellow and red. In the thinnest part of the pole, a wooden circle is placed with 12 holes where the ribbons are tied; in the case of the dancers of San Pedro de Tenería, each one has its hole and the color of the ribbon; in the center of the wooden circle, a small flag representing the symbol of the neighborhood or parish is placed.

The ribbons

The ribbons are the ideal complement and adornment of the pavilion, they are tied in the circle and with them the dancers assemble the weavings and characteristic symbols of this dance, its material is made of wool or satin ribbon and the diversity of colors that symbolize the colors of the kuichik or rainbow is used, each dancer has his own ribbon that is selected according to his taste, the ribbons measure more than 9 meters long by five centimeters wide.

The characters of the ribbon dance

By tradition, in San Pedro de Tenería, the characters of the dance of La tejida de cintas are: 17 characters, six men and six women weavers, the chamisona or mama, two people to hold the pavilion, the clown and the monkey.

The weavers: there are twelve (12) dancers, in the past only men danced, 6 of them took on the role and dressed as women, they transformed themselves; they were usually men over 60 years old, that is, the older they were, the wiser they were for the dance. Iza states. At present, 6 men dance, a male guide to start the weaving and the last man is the one who will unweave and 6 women, one is the guide who starts the weaving and the last woman is the one who unweaves. The basic characteristic step is a triple shuffle to the right and left and each dancer imprints his characteristic rhythm and touch.

The chamizona: is a man dressed as a woman, he represents the mother of the group, he is the one who gives the changes (he has the voice of command) and controls that none of his guaguas (dancers) make a mistake, since a mistake alters the weaving, the mother punishes her children with the juete (whip) so that they do not make mistakes. The stories assure that the mother punished the mistake very hard and no dancer should get angry or resentful. Her costume is a dress, mask, wig, acial or cabresto and a bag of candy.

The clown: charismatic character that opens the court or square for the dance, or the words of Don Yanez help to clear the public. The clown carries a tricolor flag; this demonstrates being Ecuadorian. The clown rides on the flag to represent the "caballito capulí".

The monkey: represents man's connection with nature, helps to clear and open the space, guides the weavers and interacts with the public with his monkey tricks.

The dog: few groups have it, symbolically it represents fidelity and like the monkey it helps to clear the field.

The holders: generally, there are two people who hold and carry the canopy, they are in charge of transporting and taking care of the canopy, their neatness will help to have order, that the ribbons do not get tangled and in the success of La tejida de Cintas.

Tejida de cintas symbology

The dancers, weavers of ribbons or sanjuanitos, when dancing and simultaneously weaving, make symmetrical figures; from the circle, they go intercalating, advancing and weaving among themselves, they form figures in the stick or pavilion like the mirror weave and the basic weave (the interviewees do not remember more names of weaves). (Costales, et al., 1992) state "the quitu-cara, the circular dwelling, was known by the name of tucumán, in commemoration of the dance-ritual during which the ribbons were interwoven", especially in the festival of the month of June or summer solstice, the figures have a deep meaning, among the most common ones we have:

Regarding the point about the advantages that this dance offers to the balance of the body, its correct functioning, health and physical efficiency, the results of the interview and the bibliographic search point to the following information:

A bibliographic search was conducted that evidenced the potential offered by these native dances in the good performance of sociability in the group, the strengthening of moral, ethical and aesthetic values, as well as the practice of dance therapy to promote health, good mood and creation of a space for recreation in the community (Cárdenas, Espitia, 2019; 2011; Naranjo, Saldarriaga, 2019, Rodríguez, 2021).

 

CONCLUSIONS

Final considerations

The research allowed to know the advantages that this type of dance-therapy offers for the good functioning of the human body, the creation of a space for recreation, the healthy use of free time and the good mood and spiritual state of those who practice it. In this study, the authors deepen into the cultural roots of this dance, convinced that the more this dance is made known, the more followers it could reach. That is why the authors recreate in detail this traditional festival in Pastocalle and, within this, its most important manifestation, the sanjuanitos or ribbon weavers, in addition, we managed to determine the possible origin and symbolism of the dance of La tejida de cintas or Tucumán; "the tucumán is entirely linked to the ethnography of the quitu-cara...its origin tu: earth, cu: breast and man: maternal round: circular house of earth" (Costales & Costales, 1992). This dance is related to the rite of construction of the house or bohío, it identifies its traditional bearers, authentic community members, men and women of the countryside who dance for the devotion to San Juan Bautista, (Hernández, et al., 2019) "We dance out of devotion to San Juan and the Blessed Virgin Mary and because we like it, in my case it de-stresses me and I feel very happy when I dance" Chicaiza; "Dancing distracts us; sometimes we are sad or we have problems and we are happy when we do this. In our dance, it is quiet, we shout, we whistle, we have a drink so we are happy. I like the dance because we also have a little step to dance, and continue dancing until God gives us life" Don Emilio Yánez; "We dance for pleasure and love what we do, we do not do it for business like most dance groups" Iza.

This dance was on the verge of extinction, among other reasons due to the disinterest of the younger generations who like what is fashionable and mainly due to the lack of support from the authorities and the community. Currently, there are few priostes who like the Weaving the ribbons , most hire outside dance groups to pass the charges, but, despite these adversities, the members of the group Sanjuanito San Pedrito de San Pedro de Tenería de Pastocalle sustain this tradition, According to their stories for more than 50 years and among their reasons because they taught their children and neighbors, also because of the internal migration of the elders to other neighborhoods and were teaching other families and people, as a result of which, there are currently four strong groups that spread this knowledge inside and outside the province of Cotopaxi. The sanjuanitos or Ribbons weavers were and should be the favorite troupe to accompany the priests of the feast of San Juan Bautista, which is held on a movable date in the month of June. Analuiza (2020). This traditional dance is related to the ancient festival of paukarraymi, where the ritual of INTI HUATANA or mooring of the sun was performed, a symbolic act where, with colored ribbons, it was weaved to tie the rays of the sun and leave them buried with offerings in gratitude to the Pachamama and the Tayta Inti.

 

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Conflict of interests:
The authors declare not to have any interest conflicts. 

 

Authors' contribution:
Edison Tarpuk Analuiza A: Conception of the idea, literature search and review, instrument making, instrument application, compilation of information resulting from the instruments applied, statistic análisis, preparation of tables, graphs, and images, database preparation, general advice on the topic addressed, drafting of the original (first version), review and final version of the article, article correction, authorship coordinator, translation of terms or information obtained, review of the application of the applied bibliographic standard.

Cristina Cáceres Sánchez: Conception of the idea, literature search and review, instrument making, instrument application, compilation of information resulting from the instruments applied, statistic análisis, preparation of tables, graphs, and images, database preparation, drafting of the original (first version), review and final version of the article, article correction, translation of terms or information obtained, review of the application of the applied bibliographic standard.

Nataly Ambato Campos: Conception of the idea, literature search and review, instrument making, instrument application, compilation of information resulting from the instruments applied, statistic análisis, preparation of tables, graphs, and images, database preparation, drafting of the original (first version), review and final version of the article, article correction, translation of terms or information obtained, review of the application of the applied bibliographic standard.

Cristian German Campo: Conception of the idea, literature search and review, instrument making, instrument application, compilation of information resulting from the instruments applied, statistic análisis, preparation of tables, graphs, and images, database preparation, drafting of the original (first version), review and final version of the article, article correction, translation of terms or information obtained, review of the application of the applied bibliographic standard.

 


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